Throughout the month of October, each day before the 6.00 PM Mass at the AU Chaplaincy, there will be Prayer and Meditation of the Holy Rosary at 5.30 PM. All are warmly invited to join.

The texts of the Joyful, Sorrowful, Glorious and Luminous Mysteries can be downloaded (PowerPoint and PDF) from our Rosary Prayer page.

The post October, Month of the Holy Rosary: Daily Rosary at 5.30 PM appeared first on AU CHAPLAINCY.

“Behold, I will make peace flow towards her like a river, and like an overflowing stream the glory of the nations.” (Isaiah 66:12)

INTRODUCTION

When we hear the phrase “I have a dream,” we often recall Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous speech delivered on 28 August 1963, in which he envisioned a reconciled American society where Black people enjoy the same rights as their White brothers and sisters. However, dreaming is not limited to a select few. The biblical prophet Joel foresaw a time when the gift of prophecy would be available to all: “After this, I will pour out my Spirit on all flesh. Your sons and daughters will prophesy, your elders will dream dreams, your young men will see visions.” (Joel 3:1). On Pentecost day, the Apostle Peter referenced this prophecy to explain the transformations occurring within the early Church (cf. Acts 2:16-18). This signifies a period when the gifts of vision and dreams became accessible to everyone. Proverbs emphasises this necessity: “Without vision, the people live without restraint.” (Proverbs 29:18).

When the African Union (AU) celebrated its fiftieth anniversary in 2013—having succeeded the Organisation of African Unity (OAU)—it had a vision of “an integrated, prosperous, and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in the international arena.” This vision underpins the AU’s ambitious Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want for the coming decades.

In his address upon taking the presidency of the African Union Conference of Heads of State and Government on 14 February 2026, Burundi President Evariste Ndayishimiye declared: “During our presidency, we will spare no effort in support of the ‘Silencing the Guns’ initiative, which embodies our peoples’ deep aspiration to live in security, dignity, and hope.”

Following the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM) and the African Union on 13 February 2026, this paper aims to bring a faith-based perspective on the AU’s dream of silencing the guns in Africa by 2030, with a specific emphasis on the role of ethics and discernment.

To achieve our objective, we will first outline the key elements of Agenda 2063 related to peace and security in Africa. Next, we will briefly examine the root causes of the continent’s conflicts. Finally, we will illustrate how ethics and discernment can play a vital role in fulfilling the African Union’s vision for a peaceful and secure Africa.

1. THE VISION OF PEACE AND SECURITY IN AGENDA 2063

Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want is founded on seven aspirations, each encompassing specific objectives and priority sectors. These aspirations are as follows:

Aspiration 1: A prosperous Africa, based on inclusive growth and sustainable development.

Aspiration 2: An integrated continent, politically united and based on the ideals of Pan-Africanism and the vision of Africa’s Renaissance.

Aspiration 3: An Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice, and the rule of law.

Aspiration 4: A peaceful and secure Africa.

Aspiration 5: An Africa with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, shared values, and ethics.

Aspiration 6: An Africa whose development is people-driven, relying on the potential of African people, especially its women and youth, and caring for children.

Aspiration 7: Africa as a strong, united, resilient, and influential global player and partner.

The theme of peace and security is addressed in Aspiration 4, which, in my view, should have been prioritised as the foundational aspiration for all others. The objectives and priority sectors of Aspiration 4 are as follows:

1) Peace and security are preserved.

2) Strengthen governance, accountability, and transparency as the foundations for a peaceful Africa.

3) Foster a stable and peaceful Africa by enhancing mechanisms for peace and reconciliation at all levels, while addressing emerging threats to peace and security on the continent.

4) Ensure the full and effective functioning of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA).

5) Develop strategies to enable the continent to finance its security needs.

One of Aspiration 4’s flagship programmes is “Silencing the Guns.” In 2013, the AU aimed to achieve this objective by 2020. However, it became evident that this target was not going to be met that year. Unfortunately, weapons continue to make noise across the continent: in the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, Northern Mozambique, Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, and the English-speaking regions of Cameroon, among other notable examples.

In 2023, the first decade of implementing Agenda 2063 concluded, with the sobering realisation that the guns remain unsilenced and new hotspots of tension have emerged. Nonetheless, in February 2024, the AU launched the second phase of Agenda 2063 for the period 2024-2033.

This new decade is grounded in seven major ambitions or moonshots, each linked to the aspirations previously mentioned. The first moonshot is to transform every Member State into a middle-income country by 2033. The second moonshot focuses on consolidating integration and improving connectivity across Africa. The third moonshot seeks to enhance the responsiveness of public institutions. The fourth moonshot concerns peace and aims to resolve conflicts peacefully on the continent. The fifth moonshot involves raising awareness and promoting African values. The sixth moonshot pertains to bolstering the autonomy and productivity of African citizens. Lastly, the seventh moonshot aspires to transform Africa into a strong and influential global player.

Despite the progress achieved in the first decade, the AU acknowledges that our continent continues to face numerous armed conflicts. Africa’s ambition is to become a land of peace and security by 2033. To attain this objective, the AU has established the following two strategic objectives along with their related targets.

The first one is strengthening peace and security. The AU aims to proactively identify and address all peace and security risks within Member States. The implementation of the following strategies is essential to achieving this objective:

1. Establish and operationalise early warning and conflict prevention mechanisms at all levels (national, regional, and continental).

1. Develop mechanisms to foster a culture of peace within all development processes.

2. Create special programmes to promote the inclusion of ethnic minority groups in peace and security matters.

3. Integrate peace education into school curricula.

4. Promote reconciliation and mediation efforts.

5. Incorporate a gender perspective into discussions on peace and security and enhance the role of women in these domains.

6. Implement mechanisms for conflict prevention and resolution and for the eradication of terrorism across all levels.

The second strategic objective is to strengthen mechanisms addressing peace, security, and stability issues. The attainment of this strategic objective is based on three pillars:

Firstly, to silence the guns in Africa by 2030 and eliminate all forms of armed groups.

Secondly, to ensure the full operationalisation of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and other continental frameworks focused on peace, security, and stability.

Finally, the AU aims to accelerate the implementation of the ‘Silencing the Guns’ flagship project. Additionally, efforts will be made to ensure that structures such as the Panel of the Wise and the Continental Early Warning System are fully operational, enabling them to effectively fulfil their mandates in conflict prevention and resolution.

One might say that when it comes to peace and security, the AU has articulated a clear vision of its desired outcomes. The lingering question is whether it possesses the necessary strength to realise that vision. The repeated adjustments to the timeline for silencing arms in Africa—shifting from 2020 to 2030—indicate this may not be the case. What guarantees exist that this effort will not extend into subsequent decades, leaving us to grapple with the prospect of still envisioning a day when the guns in Africa are silenced in 2063?

1. THE ROOT CAUSES OF VIOLENT CONFLICTS IN AFRICA

Effective promotion of peace and security in Africa necessitates a comprehensive understanding of the root causes of the continent’s conflicts. In summary, three primary causes are particularly notable. The first is what some have called “the curse of natural resources.” The second is poverty or misery. The third is bad governance.

2.1. The Curse of Natural Resources

I would like to share an anecdote from Bishop Sébastien Muyengo of Uvira Diocese in eastern DRC. This prelate, who leads CENCO’s Natural Resources Commission [1], attended an international conference in the United States focused on DRC’s natural resources. During the conference, a map displaying the minerals found in Congolese soil was projected onto a large screen. The visual impact was striking; an Australian participant sitting next to the bishop remarked, “Do you think they’re going to leave you in peace with all this?” [2] This comment highlights the greed of those who view the continent merely as a reserve for external exploitation.

While it may not often be discussed, it is essential to remain vigilant. The current emphasis on ecological transition could ultimately harm the African people, who have long inhabited lands rich in strategic minerals coveted by non-African multinationals. For instance, the discovery of significant gas reserves in Cabo Delgado in Northern Mozambique has fuelled the rise of a jihadist movement in the region. The words of Saint James in the New Testament resonate powerfully in today’s geopolitical and geostrategic landscape: “Where do wars come from? Where do the battles among you come from? You covet but do not possess; you kill. You are jealous but cannot have; you fight and make war.“ (James 4:1-2).

In his seminal work, The Bottom Billion, Paul Collier identifies “the natural resource trap” as one of four factors that impede the prosperity of poor countries [3]. Collier approaches the subject from a different perspective, arguing that resource-rich nations can become ensnared in a trap where the wealth generated from these resources stifles broad-based economic development and fosters corruption.

Dependence on natural resource revenues can make governments overly reliant on these funds, reducing their motivation to develop other industries and diversify their economies. Moreover, this emphasis on resource extraction can lead to the neglect of crucial sectors such as education and healthcare. As a result, a lack of transparency and accountability often emerges, encouraging corruption and mismanagement, which entrenches poverty rather than alleviating it.

Next, we will examine how poverty serves as a breeding ground for conflict on our continent.

2.2. Poverty as a Cause of Unrest in Africa

To illustrate how the lack of sustainable development and poverty are behind much unrest in Africa, I will focus on the case of the Sahel region. It is a vast area extending from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to the Red Sea in the east, defined by its distinct geography and climatic conditions. However, it also faces severe socio-economic challenges that lead to widespread poverty. This poverty acts as a significant catalyst for conflict and unrest in the area.

Poverty in the Sahel is complex, involving not only material deprivation but also limited access to essential services, education, and economic opportunities. The region suffers from inadequate infrastructure, restricted healthcare access, and insufficient educational facilities. Consequently, millions of individuals and families live in conditions that prevent them from achieving a decent standard of living. This deprivation fosters discontent, as marginalised populations often view their circumstances as the result of systemic injustice and neglect by their local governments.

In many parts of the Sahel, particularly where agriculture is the primary livelihood, there is intense competition for land and water. As climate change worsens and environmental degradation escalates, arable land and water sources become increasingly scarce. This scarcity heightens tensions among communities and exacerbates ethnic and social divisions. Marginalised groups, feeling threatened, may resort to violence to secure their livelihoods, resulting in cycles of conflict that disrupt entire communities and destabilise regions.

Furthermore, poverty creates a socio-political vacuum that extremist groups and criminal organisations can exploit. In the absence of strong governance and law enforcement, impoverished communities often seek alternative forms of authority. In the Sahel, this has led to the rise of militant groups linked to jihadist ideologies and organised crime, which thrive in chaotic environments where state authority is weak. These groups frequently provide economic incentives and social services, positioning themselves as viable alternatives to ineffective governments. This dynamic draws vulnerable populations into their orbit, perpetuating a cycle of violence and instability that is difficult to break. As Yssouf Traoré notes:

In Mali, AQIM [Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb] leaders used marriages with local tribes, the procurement of commodities, medical care for the disenfranchised population, and bribery of state officials to embed themselves in the Sahara desert. In Northern Mali, while preaching Salafi-Jihadism, AQIM sought to seduce locals with captivating rhetoric of social justice, equity, and welfare, and then proceeded to ransom money from kidnapped Westerners. [4]

Furthermore, citing an article published in July 2017 by John May and Hans Groth, entitled “Failure to Address Africa’s Rising Population is not an Option,” Traoré writes:

Currently, over half of the African population is young and unemployed. The Sahel region displays the highest population growth rate, fluctuating between 3 and 4 percent. The African population will exceed 2 billion people by 2050 and 4 billion by 2100. According to the International Monetary Fund, if this trend stays consistent, the countries in the region will have to create 20 million jobs a year over the next twenty-five years to absorb unemployment.[5]

The relationship between poverty and conflict in the Sahel is further complicated by armed conflicts that have spread across borders, involving neighbouring countries and international actors. As violence escalates, states often respond with militarised tactics instead of addressing the underlying socio-economic issues. This militarisation frequently intensifies the cycle of violence, resulting in displacement and greater poverty. Internally displaced persons and refugees often find themselves in precarious situations, lacking support and opportunities, which makes them more vulnerable to recruitment by militant groups seeking to exploit their circumstances.

2.3. Bad Governance

Governance, defined as the processes and structures through which state authority is exercised, plays a crucial role in determining the quality of life for citizens, fostering societal cohesion, and ultimately influencing the presence or absence of peace. In the African context, bad governance manifests itself in various forms, including corruption, lack of accountability, authoritarian rule, and inadequate policy implementation, all of which perpetuate cycles of unrest and conflict.

At the core of bad governance is corruption, a real moral cancer that undermines institutions and erodes public trust. In many African nations, government officials engage in corrupt practices for personal gain at the expense of public welfare. The diversion of resources intended for essential services such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure diminishes the quality of life and fuels disenfranchisement among citizens. When the youth, in particular, perceive that their government prioritises its interests over public service, feelings of betrayal and anger can fester, often leading to civil unrest.

In addition to corruption, ineffective governance is characterised by a lack of accountability and transparency. Governments that do not operate within an open and equitable framework often create environments conducive to oppression, where dissent is suppressed, and human rights are routinely violated. In such oppressive climates, marginalised groups may resort to armed resistance or insurgency to reclaim their rights and assert their voices. Consequently, the absence of democratic processes and respect for civil liberties undermines peacebuilding efforts, rendering dialogue and reconciliation nearly impossible.

The fragility of state institutions further exacerbates the challenges associated with poor governance. In many African countries, state institutions are often weak, lacking the capacity to maintain law and order or provide essential services. This weakness creates a power vacuum that non-state actors, including tribal militias, warlords, and extremist groups, can exploit.

Furthermore, a lack of inclusivity in governance processes can foster feelings of alienation among various ethnic and social groups. In Africa, where identity plays a crucial role in societal structures, exclusionary practices can breed resentment and lead to violent confrontations. The democratic model of “winner takes all,” which often follows rigged elections, is certainly not ideal for Africa, as many ethnic and tribal groups will always feel alienated from the political process. Exclusion usually leads to civil unrest.

3. THE ROLE OF ETHICS AND DISCERNMENT

3.1. Ethical Solutions to Ethical Problems

The persistent lack of peace and security in Africa represents a profound ethical crisis. Whether addressing the actions of predators or their accomplices throughout the continent, the persistence of extreme poverty, or issues stemming from mismanagement and inadequate governance, each aspect points to a significant ethical challenge that necessitates strong ethical leadership at multiple levels.

Ethical leadership is much needed on our continent. It ensures that leaders are transparent in their actions and accountable to the people. This builds trust and encourages public participation in governance. Likewise, promoting education that instils values and critical skills in young people prepares them to be responsible leaders in the future.

Selecting appropriate leaders is of paramount importance. Citizens deserve to understand the positions of candidates for the highest offices and parliamentary roles regarding ethnic coexistence and inclusion. It is essential to avoid supporting individuals who hold misguided views about other ethnic groups. For example, a woman who is dating a known violent man should not be surprised if she becomes a victim of domestic violence; understanding one’s commitments is vital. Concurrently, it is imperative to heed the moral guidance of responsible leaders.

Africans need to break free from complacency if they want to reclaim control of their future. A published book by Robert Bourgi[6], a prominent figure in what is known as “La Françafrique,” exposes how African leaders have invested millions of dollars in supporting political leaders in France, while their own citizens struggle to meet basic needs. Choosing not to financially back French politicians can pose serious challenges for African presidents and may even trigger civil unrest in their own countries. Despite this issue persisting for decades, most of the population has remained oblivious to it.

3.2. Discerning which Type of Peace we Want

Discerning is the ability to judge well. It is essential to determine the type of peace we wish to promote in Africa. Inspired by Chief Rabbi Albert Guigui [7], we can consider three paradigms of peace: peace-as-a-bird, peace-as-a-pot, and peace-as-a-river. It is vital for Africans today to choose which one they want to promote.

1) Peace-as-a-Bird

Peace like a bird symbolizes a protective force, akin to a bird safeguarding its young while poised to defend against potential threats. This form of peace relies on a deterrent to prevent adversaries from acting, providing security for some while instilling fear in others. The bird, with its wings spread to shield its family, maintains vigilance, aware that any lapse in attention can jeopardise their safety. Thus, it creates peace through preparedness for conflict, cultivating fear in potential aggressors.

This paradigm is characterised by an emphasis on militarisation intended to intimidate enemies, and its stability hinges on the fear it instils.

2) Peace-as-a-Pot

The second paradigm, peace as a pot, illustrates the tension between fire and water, where fire consumes water and water extinguishes fire. The pot serves as a fragile vessel for sustaining a delicate peace between these opposing elements, with the water simmering without extinguishing the flames. In this scenario, violence and instability are introduced into the enemy nation through means such as terrorism, jihadism, or support for rebel movements. The objective is to incite turmoil, thereby weakening the enemy and diminishing its power, creating dissent that disrupts the equilibrium on the opposing side.

Under the influence of fire, the bottom of the pot darkens. Anyone attempting to mediate peace between two parties may find themselves affected by this darkness, as both sides may perceive the mediator as favouring the other. In this context, the African Union’s role in maintaining peace on the continent could be likened to that of a cooking pot, maintaining a separation between the forces of fire and water.

These approaches represent different visions of peace. However, Africa does not need the peace of the bird or the peace of the pot. What it truly requires is peace like a river.

3) Peace-as-a-River

This dynamic form of peace seeks something deeper than the mere absence of war. The river, which belongs to no one, traverses multiple regions and countries, nourishing them and providing sustenance.

On one hand, it never demands what is owed to it. Instead, it relinquishes its abundant, living waters, generously and indiscriminately nourishing others without expecting anything in return. This peace is the most beautiful of all, as its economic and geographical attributes encourage individuals and nations to unite around shared responsibilities, openness, and generosity. Like a river, peace brings people together, shares resources, enriches lives, and fulfils everyone. Thus, peace, like a river, benefits all and is inherently tied to sustainable development.

Two biblical prophets, Isaiah of Jerusalem and Micah (Isaiah 2:2-4; Micah 4:1-4), who prophesied in the eighth century BC, offer significant insights on peace. According to both of them, it will happen in the future that the nations will come up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob, who teaches them his ways, and they will follow his paths. Once instructed by the Lord, a transformation occurs on the global stage. Divine teaching advocates for peace, prompting nations to transform their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks.

The swords and spears symbolise the instruments of war, akin to today’s military industry. Conversely, the ploughshares and pruning hooks represent agricultural tools linked to the agri-food industry. In essence, God’s vision, conveyed by Isaiah and Micah, envisions a humanity where investments from nations shift away from military endeavours towards development. Rather than funnelling resources into tanks, guns, drones, and missiles that destroy lives, nations enlightened by the Lord’s teachings will collaborate to foster sustainable development and mutual prosperity. No longer will one nation raise a sword against another, nor will warfare be the agenda of the day. This vision, articulated twenty-eight centuries ago by prophets Isaiah and Micah, anticipates a humanity where industry serves the purposes of peace and development. The military must operate in a subordinate role to the agri-food sector to ensure shared prosperity, aligning with the peace paradigm described in Isaiah 66:12: “Behold, I will make peace flow towards her like a river, and like an overflowing stream the glory of the nations.”

1. CONCLUSION

The dream of a prosperous and peaceful Africa may seem like a mirage to many Africans today, leading some to lose trust in the African Union and the continent’s leaders. However, as Pope Francis of blessed memory stated, the world looks to Africa as “the Continent of Hope.”

Agenda 2063 serves as a strategic programme for the entire continent and should be studied and promoted by all. Each sector of society must contribute at its own level—nationally, regionally, and continentally. Academic institutions should train today’s Africans to be vigilant, sounding the alarm in times of danger. If current trends continue, we risk being recolonised and enslaved in our own land.

There can be no African Renaissance without a moral renaissance. The type of African leadership that failed to silence the guns by 2020 should not be replicated in the years to come; otherwise, by 2063, we may find ourselves disillusioned with what a century of the AU has truly provided for the lives of Africans.

We also hope that civil society organisations and faith-based communities will not merely act as cooking pots, trying to mediate between water and fire, but will instead promote peace as a river, allowing all to benefit from the natural and human resources that the Creator has blessed Africa with.

Fr. Dr. Louison Emerick Bissila Mbila, C.S.Sp.

Email: lebissilam@gmail.com. WhatsApp: +248 2668633

Bibliographical Notes

[1] CENCO stands for Conférence Épiscopale Nationale du Congo (National Episcopal Conference of Congo).

[2] Témoignage de Mgr Sébastien Muyengo

[3] Paul Collier, The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and What Can Be Done about It, London, Oxford University Press, 2008. The four causes are: the conflict trap, the natural resource trap, being landlocked with bad neighbours, and bad governance.

[4] Yssouf Traoré, “Countering Violent Extremism in the Sahel,” in Margee Ensign & Jean-Pierre Karegeye (eds.), Religion and War in Africa, London/New York, 2020, pp. 117-118.

[5] Yssouf Traoré, “Countering Violent Extremism in the Sahel,” p. 118.

[6] Robert Bourgi, Ils savent que je sais tout. Ma vie en françafrique, Paris, Max Milo, 2024.

[7] Cf. Albert Guigui, Le judaïsme. Vécu et mémoire, Bruxelles, Éditions Racine, 2004, pp. 133-134.

This article was first published on Doctor Emerick’s Substack.

The post Agenda 2063 and the Dream of a Peaceful Africa: The Role of Ethics and Discernment in Silencing the Guns appeared first on AU CHAPLAINCY.

Handing over ceremony between the outgoing President (João Laurenço) and the incoming President (Évariste Ndayishimiye) of the African Union. 14 February 2026, Addis Ababa.

“Guided by my vision of an African Union serving the African people, I propose, with your collective support, to bring our organisation out of conference rooms, off our computer hard drives, and out of the neatly filed folders of our secretariats. I intend to take it into school playgrounds, into refugee camps, into the heart of our city markets, and the fields of our villages.”

— His Excellency Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, incoming Chairperson of the African Union and President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 34th Ordinary Session of the AU Assembly, 6 February 2021

Introduction: Is the African Union a Useless Organisation?

Regarding the relationship between the African Union (AU) and Africa, we can say that the African Union was made for Africa, and not Africa for the African Union, so that the Africans are masters of the African Union. If we agree that it is Africans who are, or must be, the true architects of the African integration that the AU seeks to promote, it is important to consider what Africans themselves think of this continental institution that is meant to serve them.

For many Africans, and not the least important among them, the African Union (AU) in its current form appears disconnected from their real concerns. They are convinced that this continental organisation serves primarily as a club for heads of state and government, ministers, diplomats, and functionaries, with minimal tangible results in terms of peace, security, development, promotion of democracy, education, and health. Consequently, many sons and daughters of the continent perceive the AU as a useless institution that does not significantly contribute to the prosperity of its member states. A few facts illustrate this scepticism among Africans.

1. Free Movement of People and Goods

Firstly, despite numerous AU summits and discussions about Panafricanism and the African Renaissance, Africans do not feel at home across their entire continent. The free movement of people and goods, a core principle of the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (Abuja Treaty, 1991), remains unrealised in many regions.

Africans frequently report harassment by immigration authorities when attempting to travel within the continent, often facing more scrutiny than nationals from other continents. The long-anticipated African passport is not yet in circulation, hindering the free movement of Africans across the 55 AU member states. Today, it is often easier for an African citizen to travel to China, the Middle East, or Europe than to migrate to certain African countries.

The free movement of goods is another significant challenge for many African entrepreneurs. The lack of a robust transcontinental road network makes it difficult, if not impossible, to source essential agro-industrial products for various African localities. Often, in Africa, it is easier for non-African-owned companies to obtain operating licences than for those owned by Africans.

2. The inviolability of borders as inherited at independence

When the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was established in 1963, which later became the African Union in 2002, it was believed that the sacrosanct principle of inviolability of borders inherited at independence would be upheld. However, it is well known that the armies of African countries invade the territories of other AU member states with impunity, causing devastation and loss of life.

3. Massive Human Rights Violations

If the horrific, filmed death of African-American George Floyd in 2020 prompted outrage from the AU and several African leaders, how can we remain silent in the face of police brutality within African states? How many Floyds are brutally treated and executed every day in Africa? Despite frequent protests from civil society and human rights defenders, the AU’s condemnations often go unheard. Thousands of Africans fall victim to racism, xenophobia, and modern slavery on their own continent. Although African diplomatic missions are aware of these scourges, everything seems to have become ‘normal’. It is not an exaggeration to say that an African is more likely to be killed by other Africans in a member state of the Union than if they were in Europe or in Asia.

Mass deportations of African immigrants to other African states occur regularly, disregarding fundamental humanitarian laws. Despite repeated condemnations and initiatives by the AU, the situation appears to be worsening.

4. Rejection of African Identity

Another troubling issue is the widespread “African malaise” among the continent’s sons and daughters. Although the AU has 55 member states on paper, millions of men and women who comprise this Union do not feel a sense of belonging to the African family. It is not uncommon to encounter nationals of AU member states who categorically refuse to identify as African. This creates a paradox: my country of origin is a member of the AU, yet I reject the idea of being an African.

5. Shortcomings in the Promotion of African Culture

Each year, African languages are disappearing like dry leaves falling from a tree

In the realm of education, the teaching of the continent’s history from an African perspective, the promotion of African cultures, and the learning of African languages leave much to be desired. In most African states, pupils and students are largely ignorant of Africa’s history and geography. The ancient African civilisations that shaped the cradle of humanity are scarcely studied. African languages are disappearing annually due to a lack of speakers, and those that remain are generally not taught in African schools and universities. There are no genuine policies to promote indigenous languages at either national or continental levels. In the 21st century, it is easier to find a British Council, an American Cultural Centre, a Chinese Cultural Centre, a Russian Cultural Centre, or a French Cultural Centre in African cities than an African, Bantu, Fulani, or similar Cultural Centre. Disconnected from their origins and cultures, it is understandable why Africans struggle to recognise themselves as sons and daughters of the same Mother Africa.

6. Issues Between Africa and Its Diaspora

Finally, the AU regards the African diaspora as its sixth region, alongside the north, south, east, west, and centre. One may legitimately ask what the real impact of the AU is on its diaspora, and vice versa. A cloud of mutual suspicion hangs over relations between Africans on the continent and people of African descent living elsewhere. For instance, many people from the Caribbean often view their counterparts on the continent as traitors who sold them into slavery, while many Africans perceive them as more “racist” than Europeans. Africans on the continent are frequently accused of indifference towards the struggles their diaspora faces for liberation. While some African countries encourage the diaspora to return to the land of their ancestors, most AU member states lack a clear policy in favour of the diaspora.

Conclusion: The Rationale for Dialogue

Given the above, which is by no means an exhaustive analysis, it is understandable why Africans are seriously questioning the actual purpose of the AU. Is an institution that appears to lack the necessary means to implement its policies still useful to the continent and its diaspora? How can we ensure that African women and men are at the heart of the AU’s development? The answers to these questions are not easy. However, this does not mean that a different African Union, one more in tune with the aspirations of Africans, is impossible. We believe it is feasible to build or promote a genuine “African Union of the Peoples,” where the sons and daughters of Mother Africa become the principal actors in their own future and well-being.

It is to contribute to the building of this “African Union of the Peoples” that we have chosen to launch, in this forum, the debate on the future of our continent and the African Union. Just as there is the Africa we have, the Africa we want (Agenda 2063), and the Africa we deserve (failing to realise the aspirations of Agenda 2063), we can also assert that there is the African Union we have, the African Union we want – that of the peoples – and the African Union we deserve. The key is to build the Africa we want and the African Union we want. How? The debate is on!

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The Greater Horn of Africa (GHA) is expected to experience enhanced rainfall and warmer conditions during the week of 7th to 14th October 2025, according to the latest regional forecast. While some areas may benefit from increased moisture supporting agriculture and water resources, others face an elevated risk of flooding and heat stress.

Total Rainfall Distribution

Heavy rainfall (above 200mm) is expected over a few parts of southern Ethiopia, likely improving water availability but also increasing flood risk in low-lying and riverine areas.

Moderate rainfall (50–200mm) is forecast for northern and southern Somalia, central to southern Ethiopia, western and central Uganda, Rwanda, northern Burundi, western South Sudan, and south-western Sudan. This will enhance agricultural prospects and pasture regeneration in parts of the region.

Light rainfall (less than 50mm) is anticipated in eastern and northern Tanzania, southern and eastern Kenya, southern Burundi, central Somalia, Eritrea, and south-eastern regions of both Sudan and South Sudan, maintaining relatively dry conditions in these zones.

Note: 1 mm of rainfall equals 1 litre of water per square metre.

Rainfall Anomalies

Above-average rainfall is expected over northern Somalia, central to southern Ethiopia, north-western South Sudan, south-western Sudan, and most of Rwanda and Burundi.

Below-average rainfall is likely in central Somalia, southern Uganda, western Kenya, and parts of South Sudan, where prolonged dryness may affect ongoing planting and water supplies.

Exceptional Rainfall and Flood Risk

Rainfall exceeding the 95th percentile (the highest 5% on record) is forecast over south-eastern Ethiopia and northern Somalia. Consequently, there is a high likelihood of flooding in south-eastern and pockets of central-western Ethiopia, particularly in flood-prone river basins and areas with poor drainage. Local authorities are urged to activate early warning systems and sensitize communities to potential flood hazards.

Flood Risk Advisory

There is a high likelihood of flooding in south-eastern and pockets of central-western Ethiopia, where persistent heavy rainfall is expected. Authorities are urged to maintain vigilance and strengthen early warning systems to mitigate the impacts on communities, infrastructure, and livelihoods.

Temperature Forecast: 07 – 14 October 2025

The same period will see warmer than average conditions across most of the Greater Horn of Africa, with significant variations by region.

Temperature Distribution

High temperatures (>32°C) are expected in the Afar region of Ethiopia, where extreme heat could affect outdoor activities, water availability, and livestock.

Moderate to high temperatures (20–32°C) are likely over most parts of Sudan, South Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya, Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, and eastern Ethiopia. These conditions are typical for this period but remain warmer than the long-term seasonal average.

Mild temperatures (below 20°C) are forecast in central Ethiopia, central to south-western Kenya, northern and central Tanzania, and western Rwanda and Burundi, offering some relief from regional heat trends.

Temperature Anomalies

Warmer than usual temperatures are expected across most parts of the GHA, consistent with broader regional warming trends observed in recent years.

Cooler than average conditions may occur in northern Sudan and parts of the Great Rift Valley, where cloud cover and rainfall could moderate daytime heating.

Heat Stress Outlook

The forecast indicates elevated heat stress levels in parts of the Red Sea coast and the Afar region of Ethiopia. Residents are advised to stay hydrated, limit exposure during peak hours, and take necessary precautions to avoid heat-related illnesses.

Summary and Advisory

The 07–14 October 2025 forecast highlights a mixed weather pattern across the Greater Horn of Africa marked by above-average rainfall in the east and flood threats in Ethiopia and Somalia, coupled with warmer than normal temperatures regionwide.

Authorities, humanitarian agencies, and communities are urged to:

Monitor flood-prone areas closely and maintain early warning systems.

Prepare for potential disruptions to transportation and agriculture due to heavy rainfall.

Adopt heat mitigation measures, particularly in high-risk zones like the Afar region and Red Sea coast.

Overall, the forecast points to a dynamic climate week ahead, with beneficial rainfall for some areas and heightened environmental risks in others underscoring the importance of continued vigilance and preparedness across the Greater Horn of Africa.

For more information on the weekly forecast and subscription visit : ICPAC WEBSITE

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As the world prepares for the 30th UN Climate Change Conference (COP30) set to take place in Belém, Brazil, this November, Africa is stepping forward with a unified and transformative message: the continent of 54 nations aims to become the continent of climate solutions.

At a time when the global climate discourse remains polarized, Africa’s leaders are charting a new course one rooted in justice, adaptation, and sustainability. Their collective vision seeks not only to address the disproportionate effects of climate change on the continent but also to position Africa as a central player in shaping the world’s green future.

Africa contributes a mere 3% of global greenhouse gas emissions and accounts for just 6% of global energy use, yet it bears some of the most severe impacts of climate change. Floods, droughts, and erratic weather patterns continue to threaten food security, infrastructure, and livelihoods across the continent. Recognizing this imbalance, African nations have outlined a bold agenda emphasizing climate adaptation, climate justice, and energy access as the cornerstones of their unified platform.

At the recently held African Climate Summit (ACS) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called for “bold, united, and sustained collaboration to avert climate catastrophe,” setting an ambitious goal to generate 1,000 African climate solutions by 2030. Ethiopia also announced a target to mobilize $50 billion annually for climate initiatives, even as questions remain about financing sources.

The summit doubled as a symbolic milestone, coinciding with the inauguration of Africa’s largest hydroelectric project the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and Ethiopia’s official bid to host COP32 in 2027, competing with Nigeria and other contenders.

A cornerstone of Africa’s climate strategy is the Green Minerals Strategy, adopted earlier this year. It seeks to leverage the continent’s vast reserves of critical minerals such as cobalt in the Democratic Republic of the Congo essential for the global green transition. This move underscores Africa’s intent to transform its natural wealth into an engine for sustainable industrialization.

“You can think of these as homegrown solutions to a climate problem that was largely caused by the rest of the world,” one African diplomat observed. This strategy aligns with Africa’s broader ambition to transition from being a passive recipient of climate aid to an active architect of climate solutions.

The summit’s final declaration also endorsed the use of carbon markets to finance green growth. However, this remains contentious. Deals like Zimbabwe’s agreement to allocate nearly 20% of its land to a UAE-based carbon trading firm have raised concerns about sovereignty and equitable benefit sharing. Still, the push signals Africa’s determination to find innovative mechanisms to fund its climate ambitions.

The Challenge of Inclusion: Visa Denials and Rising Costs

Visa Denials and Rising Costs Threaten Inclusion

Ironically, even as Africa prepares to speak with one voice, logistical barriers threaten to silence many of its representatives. Reports from Nigeria reveal that the Brazilian government has been denying COP30 visa applications at an alarming rate over the past two weeks. Even delegates with official UNFCCC badges have faced rejections, sparking outcry and calls for diplomatic intervention.

At the same time, the soaring cost of accommodation in Belém where hotel prices have skyrocketed ahead of the summit has made attendance prohibitively expensive for many participants from developing countries. “The profit motive remains alive and well in the midst of the Amazon jungle,” one observer noted wryly, “despite the best efforts of Brazil’s socialist government to suppress it.”

Perhaps it is these visible contradictions the commercialization of climate diplomacy and the exclusion of those most affected that led U.S. President Donald Trump to dismiss climate change concerns as “the biggest con job in history.” While his remarks trivialize the crisis, they inadvertently expose a persistent credibility gap in the global climate agenda.

These developments raise urgent questions about equity and accessibility in global climate negotiations. If the nations most affected by climate change cannot even gain entry to the room, how can the resulting agreements claim legitimacy? This ideological split could dominate debates at COP30, further testing the resilience of global cooperation under the UNFCCC framework. The conference must, therefore, not only invest in systems and technologies but also in people, communities, and institutions that sustain long-term climate resilience.

For Africa, COP30 is more than a conference it is a crossroads. The continent’s leaders are determined that this year’s negotiations will mark a shift from participation to power, from marginalization to leadership. “Africa has shown that it’s moving from the margins of global climate decision-making to the center,” one expert summarized. “The world should take note.”

As the countdown to Belém begins, the message from Africa is clear:
This time, the continent of climate solutions is not waiting to be invited to the table ; it is setting it.

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When the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change & Forestry, Dr. Deborah Barasa, took the stage to outline Kenya’s path in combating plastic pollution, she was not merely speaking of waste management. She was articulating a bold vision aligned with Agenda 2063 – Africa’s blueprint for inclusive and sustainable development.

Plastic pollution has emerged as one of the greatest threats to Africa’s ecological future. Globally, over 430 million tonnes of plastics are produced annually, with devastating consequences for biodiversity, health, and economies. In Kenya, single-use plastics choke waterways, block urban drainage systems, degrade soils, and threaten wildlife in iconic ecosystems such as the Mara and Amboseli. Dr. Barasa emphasized that this is not just an environmental concern it is an existential issue that directly touches on Africa’s socio-economic aspirations. Left unchecked, plastic pollution undermines food security, public health, and sustainable growth, eroding the very foundations upon which Agenda 2063’s aspirations for “A prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development” rest.

In her address, Dr. Barasa laid out a roadmap that positions Kenya as a continental leader in environmental stewardship:

Legislative reform: Strengthening laws to regulate plastic production, use, and disposal, with an emphasis on enforcement at all levels.

Circular economy: Driving innovation in recycling, reuse, and green entrepreneurship to reduce reliance on virgin plastics.

Hosting a global hub: Kenya has proposed Nairobi as host for the secretariat of a future global treaty on plastic pollution, highlighting the country’s ambition to anchor international environmental diplomacy.

Grassroots engagement: Citizens, civil society, and businesses are called upon to adopt sustainable consumption patterns and support waste management initiatives.

Regional and global cooperation: Kenya reaffirms its commitment to multilateralism, working through UNEP and the ongoing negotiations on a global plastics treaty.

Linking to Agenda 2063

This bold journey mirrors several pillars of Agenda 2063, including:

Aspiration 1: A prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development through green industries and a circular economy that creates jobs while reducing waste.

Aspiration 6: An Africa whose development is people-driven – evident in Kenya’s focus on grassroots action, empowering citizens to be custodians of their environment.

Aspiration 7: Africa as a strong, united, and influential global player Kenya’s bid to host the plastics treaty secretariat in Nairobi is a clear step towards elevating Africa’s leadership in shaping global governance frameworks.

Dr. Barasa’s message is clear: environmental protection is not a peripheral issue but central to Africa’s long-term vision. Tackling plastic pollution is both a responsibility and an opportunity to accelerate the continent’s transformation under Agenda 2063. Yet, challenges remain. From limited recycling infrastructure to consumer dependence on cheap single-use plastics, the road ahead requires resilience and innovation. Financing mechanisms, public-private partnerships, and regional harmonization of policies will be critical.

Still, Kenya’s determination sends a strong signal. If sustained, these efforts could redefine Africa’s global image not as a victim of plastic waste exported from elsewhere, but as a continent of hope, charting bold solutions for itself and the world. Dr. Barasa’s call resonates beyond Kenya. It is a continental summons to action: for policymakers to legislate boldly, for entrepreneurs to innovate sustainably, and for citizens to live responsibly. By confronting plastic pollution, Africa not only protects its natural heritage but also advances its collective destiny as envisioned in Agenda 2063.

As the world watches, Kenya’s journey may well become a template for the continent—proof that Africa, through unity of purpose and visionary leadership, can turn today’s environmental crises into tomorrow’s pathways of hope.

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Kenya –The Weather and Climate Information Services for Africa (WISER) Kenya Project has been officially extended for another three years, bringing renewed hope for climate-resilient communities in Kenya. The project, which has been a game-changer in enhancing access to actionable climate information, will place inclusion of marginalized groups including women, youth, persons with disabilities (PWDs), and elders at the centre of its activities. WISER project is an initiative supported by the UK Government that seeks to help communities of Tana River and Garissa build resilience during drought and floods. This training equips stakeholders with the skills to access and use Maprooms so that climate information translates into real action on the ground

The extension was announced during the series of training workshops themed “Using Maprooms for Improved Decision Making via Stakeholder Engagement” held on 2nd-5th  September 2025 in Tana River and 16th–18th September 2025 . The events brought together a wide spectrum of participants, from local leaders to community-based organizations, underscoring the project’s commitment to inclusive climate governance. Maprooms, developed under the WISER Kenya Project, are innovative, web-based platforms that integrate real-time climate data, historical trends, and predictive models. They enable policymakers, farmers, humanitarian actors, and community leaders to anticipate climate risks, prepare for disasters, and optimize agricultural and water resource planning. For counties like Garissa and Tana River in Kenya, prone to both droughts and floods, such tools are invaluable. By enhancing decision-making, Maprooms contribute directly to Agenda 2063 Goals 1 and 7, focusing on inclusive growth and environmentally sustainable, climate-resilient communities.

The decision to begin the extension phase in both Garissa County and Tana River County was deliberate and strategic. These regions have endured some of Kenya’s most severe floods and droughts in recent years, leading to loss of lives, displacement, and economic setbacks. Yet, they are also home to vibrant communities eager to embrace innovative climate tools that can change the narrative. These events align with the broader Agenda 2063 aspirations for a climate-resilient and food-secure Africa, making these regions a critical area for climate adaptation efforts. The training was highly interactive, blending presentations from the Kenya Met Services, and practical sessions where participants navigated Maprooms for real-time decision-making. For PWDs they often experience accessibility challenges in climate information and the workshop leads emphasized the importance of inclusive communication. Women and youth inclusion is critical thus form the foundation of the society and they lead in climate-smart agriculture and early warning systems could transform food security and livelihoods in Garissa County. Elders brought in traditional knowledge, bridging the gap between indigenous practices and modern climate science.

Opening the workshop, Dr. Philip Omondi, WISER Kenya Project Lead from ICPAC, emphasized the importance of integrating science, technology, and community engagement in tackling climate challenges.

By equipping local decision-makers with innovative climate tools such as Maprooms interactive online platforms offering real-time data, historical trends, and future forecasts the project aims to strengthen community preparedness, disaster risk reduction, and agricultural planning.  The Kenya Meteorological Department, represented by its Deputy director Kennedy Thiong’o and members of the Met society, reaffirmed its commitment to ensuring that climate information is timely, accurate, and actionable:

By rolling out Maproom training in Tana River, the project aims to empower communities with the skills to anticipate climate risks, plan for agriculture and water management, and prepare for disasters before they strike.  The training workshop brought together PWDs, women, youth, and elders from across the county. For many participants, this was the first time they had direct access to interactive climate data tools and could engage experts on how to use them for local decision-making.

As key implementers on ground, the Kenya Red Cross Society-WISER, the  Kenya program coordinator represented by Mr. Zachary Misiani, underscored the importance of community-driven adaptation measures:

With its three-year extension, the WISER Kenya Project will expand Maproom training workshops beyond Tana River into other climate-vulnerable counties across Kenya. These efforts will link local climate adaptation with national development priorities and continental goals under Agenda 2063 and the African Union Climate Change and Resilient Development Strategy.

Dr. Omondi believes this reflection process is critical:

“This project embodies the spirit of Africa, the Continent of Hope and the Africa we want, AGENDA 2063,” he said. “It shows that with the right tools, knowledge, and inclusive approaches, communities can transform climate challenges into opportunities for sustainable development.” The African Union’s Agenda 2063 envisions “an Africa whose development is people-driven, relying on the potential of women and youth, and caring for children.” By including marginalized voices, WISER Kenya is directly advancing Aspiration 1 (inclusive growth and sustainable development) and Aspiration 7 (environmentally sustainable and climate-resilient Africa). As the WISER Kenya Project enters its next phase, the focus on science, technology, and inclusion sends a powerful message: Africa can overcome climate challenges through innovation, collaboration, and people-centered approaches.

County officials noted that integrating Maprooms into county development plans would enhance disaster preparedness, agricultural planning, and water resource management, key priorities under Kenya Vision 2030 as well. This participatory approach ensured that the workshop was not just about technology transfer but also about co-creating solutions that reflect community priorities and local realities. By strengthening climate services, the project supports Aspirations 1 and 7 of Agenda 2063:

• A prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development.
• An environmentally sustainable and climate-resilient Africa.

By bringing all groups including women, youth, farmers, and herders together, this initiative helps reduce resource conflicts and promotes peaceful co-existence in a changing climate. With ICPAC, the Kenya Meteorological Society, the Kenya Red Cross, and local leaders working hand in hand, the Africa We Want by 2063; climate-smart, inclusive, and hopeful comes into sharper focus.

More from the trainings

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Addis Ababa, March 5, 2025 – In a landmark gathering, faith-based, ethical, and interfaith organisations from across Africa and the diaspora convened in Addis Ababa on February 27-28, 2025, to address the urgent need for reparative justice. The event, themed “The Role of Faith Communities and Ethical Organizations in Advancing Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations,” was hosted at the Kuriftu Resort African Village and the African Union Commission (AUC), bringing together approximately 100 participants, including high-level officials, religious leaders, scholars, and human rights advocates.

The workshop was organised by SECAM (Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar), the African Union Catholic Chaplaincy, HWPL (Heavenly Culture, World Peace, Restoration of Light), COPAB (Pan African Conference on Ethics and Bioethics), IAPD-Africa (Interreligious Association for Peace and Development), URI (United Religions Initiative), and other key partners. The event reinforced the African Union’s 2025 theme dedicated to reparations for Africans and people of African descent, highlighting the moral and legal imperatives of justice.

High-Level Addresses and Key Speakers

The workshop featured a distinguished lineup of speakers, both in-person and online, ensuring broad participation in this historic dialogue.

Dr. Monique Nsanzabaganwa, Deputy Chairperson of the African Union Commission, delivered the welcome address, reaffirming the AU’s commitment to justice for Africans and people of African descent. Dr. Rita Bissoonauth, Director of the UNESCO Liaison Office to the African Union and Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), set the tone with a keynote address that underscored the historical and moral imperative of reparations. Dr. Robert Afriye, the Ambassador of Ghana, emphasised his country’s leadership in the global reparations movement, while Ms. Angela Naa Afoley Odai, Head of the Diaspora Division at the AU’s Citizens and Diaspora Directorate (CIDO), outlined the AU’s 2025 theme and its role in advancing the reparations agenda.

Fr. Dr. Louison Emerick Bissila Mbila, AU Catholic Chaplain, delivered opening remarks, stressing the moral responsibility of faith communities in championing justice. Ambassador Mussie Hailu, Global Envoy of the United Religions Initiative (URI), called for a unified interfaith approach to restorative justice based on the Golden Rule: “Treat others the way you want to be treated.” Imboni uZwi-Lezwe Dr. Radebe, representing IAPD-Africa, offered a perspective on reparative justice from African Indigenous Spirituality. Dr. Aharon Mor presented a Jewish viewpoint on reparations, while His Eminence Cardinal Berhaneyesus D. Souraphiel, representing  SECAM’s President, Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo, reflected on the theme in the context of the Jubilee Year 2025. Dr. Hassan Kinyua Omari, from the Muslim Professionals League Africa, shared an Islamic perspective on the quest for justice.

The workshop also featured online and in-person presentations by experts in economic and environmental justice. Ms. Kyung Hee Kim of HWPL explored reparations from an Asian perspective. From the United States, Dr. Glenda Phillips Lee, speaking via Zoom on behalf of IGHC/AACLA, discussed economic reparations through housing and land grants. Mr. Ambrose King of the Ethiopian World Federation examined repatriation from the diaspora as a key aspect of restorative justice. Bishop Dennis Nthumbi, representing the African American Clergy Leaders Association, addressed the subject of reparative justice for Christians in Africa.

The psychological and ecological dimensions of reparations were also examined. Drawing on the Rwandan experience of the genocide against the Tutsi, Dr. Théogène Bangwanubusa delivered a thought-provoking presentation on genocide and transgenerational trauma. Mr. Moses Chasieh of the American Friends Service Committee introduced the Salama Hub Program, which aims to support justice initiatives. Ms. Ashley Kitisya of the Laudato Si’ Movement highlighted ecological debt, arguing that environmental destruction caused by colonial exploitation should be considered an integral part of the reparations discourse.

Panel Discussions and Key Outcomes

Panel discussions provided a dynamic platform for participants to engage in in-depth exchanges on key aspects of reparations, including economic redress, historical accountability, and faith-based approaches to justice. These discussions allowed speakers and attendees—both in person and online—to contribute diverse perspectives on the need for reparative justice. The hybrid format of the event enabled remote participants to actively engage in discussions through virtual presentations and interactive Q&A sessions, enriching the dialogue with global perspectives.

A key outcome of the workshop was the presentation and signing of the Addis Ababa Declaration on Reparations, which affirms the legal and moral imperative of reparations and calls for concrete actions, including:

• The establishment of an AU Committee of Experts on Reparations to develop an African-led framework for restorative justice.
• The appointment of an AU Special Envoy on Reparations to advocate for African and diaspora reparations at a global level.
• The recognition of ecological debt as part of the reparations discourse, acknowledging the environmental damage caused by colonial-era exploitation.
• A proposal for the African Union to consider declaring a Decade of Reparations to sustain momentum on this cause.

The declaration emphasises the role of faith communities in promoting peace, reconciliation, and reparative justice, aligning with Africa’s Agenda 2063 for a prosperous and united continent.

Towards Implementation and Global Action

As the conference concluded, speakers emphasised that the adoption of the Addis Ababa Declaration on Reparations is only the beginning. The organising bodies committed to continued engagement with the African Union, UNESCO, the Government of Ghana, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), policymakers, global institutions, and grassroots movements to translate resolutions into action. Participants were urged to remain steadfast in their advocacy and to collaborate in ensuring that justice for Africans and people of African descent becomes a global priority.

The workshop underscored that reparations are not just about financial compensation but about acknowledging historical truths, fostering reconciliation, and creating pathways for economic and social empowerment. As faith and ethical communities take the lead, the world watches to see whether these calls for justice will be met with meaningful action.

Fr. Louison Emerick Bissila Mbila is a Catholic priest of the Congregation of the Holy Spirit, a citizen of the Republic of Congo and the Republic of Seychelles, and chaplain to the African Union Commission in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. He holds a doctorate in theology and a degree in biblical philology from the Université Catholique de Louvain, Belgium. Ordained in 2003, he has been the Executive Secretary of the Spiritan Conference of Circumscriptions of Africa and the Islands (SCCAI) since 2017. Email: catholic.africanunion@gmail.com.

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Africa is blessed with abundant natural resources, fertile lands, and a predominantly agrarian population. However, the pressure on these resources has reached critical levels. Agricultural land is degrading rapidly due to unsustainable practices, deforestation, and desertification. Water resources are being strained by climate variability, pollution, and over-extraction. Additionally, biodiversity loss is threatening the resilience of ecosystems that support food production. The consequences are severe. Millions of farmers are struggling to sustain their livelihoods as soil fertility declines, water becomes scarce, and crop yields dwindle. Compounding these issues are rising food demands due to rapid population growth and urbanization, making food security an ever-greater challenge.

The Kampala CAADP Declaration outlines a bold, comprehensive approach to reversing these trends and creating sustainable agrifood systems that can meet Africa’s growing needs while protecting its natural resources. The declaration sets ambitious targets to be achieved by 2035, including:

-Boosting Agricultural Productivity: Increasing agrifood output by 45% through sustainable intensification and modernization of agricultural practices.

-Reducing Post-Harvest Losses: Halving food losses by improving storage, transportation, and processing infrastructure.

-Sustainable Land Management: Ensuring 30% of agricultural land is managed sustainably to combat soil degradation and desertification.

-Achieving Zero Hunger: Eliminating hunger and reducing malnutrition rates by 25%.

-Mobilizing Investments: Securing $100 billion in public and private sector investments to modernize and innovate in the agricultural sector.

The transformation envisioned by the Kampala Declaration places a strong emphasis on inclusivity. Women, youth, and vulnerable populations are prioritized for participation in agricultural value chains and decision-making processes. The AU aims to ensure that 30% of agricultural roles and leadership positions are occupied by women and youth, fostering equitable development.

Moreover, the strategy includes measures to shield 40% of rural households from environmental and economic shocks. This will be achieved through the introduction of climate-resilient farming practices, improved safety nets, and the diversification of income sources for smallholder farmers.

The successful implementation of the Kampala Declaration will hinge on a coordinated approach across several key areas:

– Governance and Policy Reform: Strengthening governance frameworks for agrifood systems to improve resource management, transparency, and accountability. This includes harmonizing policies across member states to foster collaboration and knowledge-sharing.

-Climate Adaptation and Resilience: Promoting the adoption of climate-smart agricultural practices to reduce vulnerability to climate shocks. This includes the development of drought-resistant crop varieties, improved irrigation systems, and agroforestry initiatives.

-Technological Innovation: Harnessing digital and technological innovations to enhance productivity and sustainability. Precision farming technologies, mobile-based extension services, and data analytics are among the tools that will play a crucial role in this transformation.

-Intra-Continental Trade: Strengthening regional trade through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to improve market access for farmers and reduce dependency on food imports. The declaration aims to triple intra-continental agrifood trade by 2035.

-Investment in Infrastructure: Building and upgrading infrastructure for storage, processing, and transportation to reduce post-harvest losses and ensure efficient supply chains.

The success of this ambitious strategy will require the collective efforts of various stakeholders, including governments, private sector players, civil society, regional institutions, and development partners. The AU has emphasized the need for partnerships to drive innovation, mobilize resources, and build capacity across the continent.

Several African countries have already made strides in transforming their agrifood systems, offering valuable lessons for the continent as a whole. For instance, Ethiopia’s climate-resilient agriculture initiatives have significantly improved food security in vulnerable regions. Kenya’s digital farming platforms have empowered smallholder farmers with real-time data and market access, boosting productivity and incomes. Similarly, Nigeria’s focus on agribusiness development has spurred job creation and economic growth. These success stories highlight the importance of innovation, collaboration, and strong policy frameworks in driving agricultural transformation. The Kampala Declaration builds on these successes while scaling up efforts to achieve continental food security.

Despite the optimism surrounding the Kampala Declaration, significant challenges remain. Financing the ambitious strategy will be a monumental task, requiring sustained political will and robust investment from both the public and private sectors. Additionally, addressing land tenure issues, combating corruption, and fostering regional cooperation will be critical to success. Another major challenge is building the capacity of smallholder farmers to adopt new technologies and practices. Education and training programs will be essential to empower farmers to embrace innovative solutions and adapt to changing climatic conditions.

The AU’s commitment to transforming agrifood systems represents a crucial step toward ensuring food security, economic growth, and environmental sustainability in Africa. The Kampala Declaration is not just a policy document; it is a call to action for governments, farmers, investors, and communities to work together for a shared future of prosperity and resilience. By addressing the root causes of resource depletion and food insecurity, Africa can build a sustainable agrifood system that not only meets the needs of its growing population but also protects the environment and empowers communities. The journey ahead will be challenging, but with unity, innovation, and determination, Africa can overcome these obstacles and become a global leader in sustainable agriculture.

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African Union Elections: Democracy or Capitalist Calculations?

The African Union (AU) elections in February 2025 will shape the trajectory of the continent’s development agenda for the coming years. Yet, the growing entanglement of corporate interests in African politics raises concerns about the authenticity of these elections. Multinational corporations, lured by Africa’s vast natural resources and youthful workforce, often fund candidates who align with neoliberal policies.

The AU’s Agenda 2063 emphasizes self-reliance, industrialization, and sustainable growth. However, the election campaigns increasingly highlight policies favoring foreign direct investment (FDI) without addressing the exploitative practices underpinning such capital inflows. Leaders promising tax breaks and relaxed labor laws for investors often overshadow those advocating for equitable wealth redistribution or regional autonomy in trade.

As voting day approaches, the question remains: will Africa’s democratic processes reflect the will of its people or the interests of a capitalist elite seeking to exploit its resources under the guise of development?

COP30: Climate Justice vs. Green Capitalism

Set to take place in Belém, Brazil, COP30 arrives at a time of escalating climate crises. African nations, among the most vulnerable to climate change, have demanded robust funding for adaptation and loss-and-damage mechanisms. Yet, the promises of developed nations, deeply rooted in capitalist frameworks, often manifest as loans rather than grants, perpetuating debt cycles for the Global South.

Green capitalism has become a dominant narrative in climate negotiations, with corporations promoting “sustainable” solutions like carbon markets and renewable energy investments. While these initiatives appear progressive, they often exclude the voices of indigenous and local communities, particularly in Africa. Mega solar farms and carbon offset schemes frequently displace people, destroy ecosystems, and fail to address the systemic exploitation driving the climate crisis.

As COP30 discussions unfold, the tension between grassroots climate justice movements and corporate-led green capitalism will undoubtedly shape the outcomes. The summit’s success will hinge on whether negotiators prioritize profit or the planet.

UNGA 2025: Development Goals in a Capitalist Stranglehold

The UN General Assembly’s focus this year will likely center on accelerating progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as the 2030 deadline looms. Yet, capitalism’s pervasive influence has consistently undermined these objectives, particularly in the Global South.

The privatization of essential services—such as education, healthcare, and water supply—has widened inequality, with corporations profiting while marginalized communities bear the brunt of inadequate access. African nations have been vocal about the need for systemic reforms in global financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, which often impose austerity measures that cripple public sector investments.

At UNGA 2025, African leaders are expected to demand debt relief and fairer trade terms, but whether these calls will translate into actionable resolutions or be drowned out by capitalist agendas remains uncertain.

Across these critical events, capitalism’s influence is a common denominator. Its logic prioritizes profit over people, undermines democratic processes, and perpetuates inequality. For Africa and the broader Global South, 2025 represents a pivotal moment to challenge this paradigm.

However, dismantling capitalism’s grip requires bold leadership, grassroots mobilization, and global solidarity. The continent must advocate for systemic change, from demanding equitable climate finance at COP30 to ensuring that AU elections reflect the will of the people rather than corporate interests.

As the world watches these events unfold, the true challenge lies in reclaiming agency from a capitalist system that has long dictated the terms of global governance and development. Whether 2025 marks a turning point or a continuation of the status quo remains to be seen.

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